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Source(Google.com.pk)Looks at external factors in the offender's environment, such as family structure, stress, social learning, and includes rational choice theories.[129] Though these external factors may heighten the frequency and severity of violence, ultimately it is not the cause, but merely fueling the abusers need to seek control in their life else where and enacting that need for control in the only way that they can, which is against their partner.

Resource theory[edit]

Resource theory was suggested by William Goode (1971).[130] Women who are most dependent on the spouse for economic well being (e.g. homemakers/housewives, women with handicaps, the unemployed), and are the primary caregiver to their children, fear the increased financial burden if they leave their marriage. Dependency means that they have fewer options and few resources to help them cope with or change their spouse's behavior.[131]

Couples that share power equally experience lower incidence of conflict, and when conflict does arise, are less likely to resort to violence. If one spouse desires control and power in the relationship, the spouse may resort to abuse.[132] This may include coercion and threats, intimidation, emotional abuse, economic abuse, isolation, making light of the situation and blaming the spouse, using children (threatening to take them away), and behaving as "master of the castle".[133][134]

Social stress[edit]

Stress may be increased when a person is living in a family situation, with increased pressures. Social stresses, due to inadequate finances or other such problems in a family may further increase tensions.[135] Violence is not always caused by stress, but may be one way that some people respond to stress.[136][137] Families and couples in poverty may be more likely to experience domestic violence, due to increased stress and conflicts about finances and other aspects.[138] Some speculate that poverty may hinder a man's ability to live up to his idea of "successful manhood", thus he fears losing honor and respect. Theory suggests that when he is unable to economically support his wife, and maintain control, he may turn to misogyny, substance abuse, and crime as ways to express masculinity.[138]

Social learning theory[edit]

Social learning theory suggests that people learn from observing and modeling after others' behavior. With positive reinforcement, the behavior continues. If one observes violent behavior, one is more likely to imitate it. If there are no negative consequences (e. g. victim accepts the violence, with submission), then the behavior will likely continue. Often, violence is transmitted from generation to generation in a cyclical manner.[vague] [139][140][141]

Power and control[edit]

In abusive relationships, violence is posited to arise out of a need for power and control of one partner over the other. An abuser will use various tactics of abuse (e.g., physical, verbal, emotional, sexual or financial) in order to establish and maintain control over the partner.

Abusers' efforts to dominate their partners have been attributed to low self-esteem or feelings of inadequacy, unresolved childhood conflicts, the stress of poverty, hostility and resentment toward women (misogyny), hostility and resentment toward men (misandry), personality disorders, genetic tendencies and sociocultural influences, among other possible causative factors. Most authorities seem to agree that abusive personalities result from a combination of several factors, to varying degrees.

A causalist view of domestic violence is that it is a strategy to gain or maintain power and control over the victim. This view is in alignment with Bancroft's "cost-benefit" theory that abuse rewards the perpetrator in ways other than, or in addition to, simply exercising power over his or her target(s). He cites evidence in support of his argument that, in most cases, abusers are quite capable of exercising control over themselves, but choose not to do so for various reasons.[142]

An alternative view is that abuse arises from powerlessness and externalizing/projecting this and attempting to exercise control of the victim. It is an attempt to 'gain or maintain power and control over the victim' but even in achieving this it cannot resolve the powerlessness driving it. Such behaviours have addictive aspects leading to a cycle of abuse or violence. Mutual cycles develop when each party attempts to resolve their own powerlessness in attempting to assert control.

Questions of power and control are integral to the widely utilized Duluth Domestic Abuse Intervention Project. They developed a "Power and Control Wheel" to illustrate this: it has power and control at the center, surrounded by spokes (techniques used), the titles of which include: coercion and threats, intimidation, emotional abuse, isolation, minimizing, denying and blaming, using children, economic abuse, and male privilege.[143] The model attempts to address abuse by challenging the misuse of power by the perpetrator.

The power wheel model is not intended to assign personal responsibility, enhance respect for mutual purpose or assist victims and perpetrators in resolving their differences. Rather, it is an informational tool designed to help individuals understand the dynamics of power operating in abusive situations and identify various methods of abuse.

Critics of this model argue that it ignores research linking domestic violence to substance abuse and psychological problems.[144] Some modern research into the patterns in DV has found that women are more likely to be physically abusive towards their partner in relationships in which only one partner is violent,[45][46] which draws the effectiveness of using concepts like male privilege to treat domestic violence into question; however, it may still be valid in studying severe abuse cases, which are mostly male perpetrated.[46] However, modern research into predictors of injury from domestic violence suggests that the strongest predictor of injury by domestic violence is participation in reciprocal domestic violence.[145]

Gender aspects of abuse[edit]

The relationship between gender and domestic violence is a controversial topic. There continues to be debate about the rates at which each gender is subjected to domestic violence. Reasons for mixed findings include the limitations of existing survey tools (e.g., conflict tactics scale) to measure all relevant aspects of domestic violence and the use of disparate samples in studies.[146] Sociologists Michael P. Johnson and Kathleen J. Ferraro argue that the rate of domestic violence against men is often inflated due to the practice of including self-defense as a form of domestic violence.[147][148]

Gender differences in reporting violence have been cited as another explanation for mixed results.[146] A 2011 review article by Chan found evidence of gender-specific reporting patterns: men tended to under-report their own perpetration of domestic violence while women were more likely to under-report their victimization. Factors which according to the reviewed studies can lead women to under-report their partner's violence include financial or familial dependence on the abusive partner, the tendency to excuse or normalize the partner's violence with the reasoning that their partner really loves them, and self-blaming. By contrast, men who under-report their own violence may be influenced by the fear and avoidance of legal consequences, the tendency to blame their partner, and a narrative focus on their needs and emotions during reporting. Furthermore, cultural factors can influence men's under-reporting of their own violence. In cultures where machismo is prevalent and where men are considered the head of households in control of their family, wife battering may be not perceived as a serious behavior that needs to report.[146]

According to a 2004 survey in Canada, the percentages of males being physically or sexually victimized by their partners was 6% versus 7% for women. However, females reported higher levels of repeated violence and were more likely than men to experience serious injuries; 23% of females versus 15% of males were faced with the most serious forms of violence including being beaten, choked, or threatened with or having a gun or knife used against them. Also, 21% of women versus 11% of men were likely to report experiencing more than 10 violent incidents. Women who often experience higher levels of physical or sexual violence from their current partner, were 44%, compared with 18% of men to suffer from an injury. Cases in which women are faced with extremely abusive partners, results in the females having to fear for their lives due to the violence they had faced. In addition, statistics show that 34% of women feared for their lives, and 10% of men feared for theirs.[51]

A problem in conducting studies that seek to describe violence in terms of gender is the amount of silence, fear and shame that results from abuse within families and relationships. Another is that abusive patterns can tend to seem normal to those who have lived in them for a length of time. Similarly, subtle forms of abuse can be quite transparent even as they set the stage for further abuse seeming normal. Finally, inconsistent definition of what constitutes domestic violence makes definite conclusions difficult to reach when compiling the available studies.

Violence against women[edit]

Although the exact rates are widely disputed, especially within the United States, there is a large body of cross-cultural evidence that women are subjected to domestic violence significantly more often than men.[148][149][150][151] In addition, there is broad consensus that women are more often subjected to severe forms of abuse and are more likely to be injured by an abusive partner.[150][151][152]

According to a report by the United States Department of Justice, a survey of 16,000 Americans showed 22.1% of women and 7.4% of men reported being physically assaulted by a current or former spouse, cohabiting partner, boyfriend or girlfriend, or date in their lifetime.[153] A 2010 survey of over 21,000 residents of England and Wales by the UK Home Office showed that 7% of women and 4% of men were victims of domestic abuse in the last year.[154] A study in the United States found that women were 13 times more likely than men to seek medical attention due to injuries related to spousal abuse.[155]

Women are more likely than men to be murdered by an intimate partner. Of those killed by an intimate partner about three quarters are female and about a quarter are male. In 1999 in the United States 1,218 women and 424 men were killed by an intimate partner,[156] and 1181 females and 329 males were killed by their intimate partners in 2005.[157][158] In England and Wales about 100 women are killed by partners or former partners each year while 21 men were killed in 2010.[159] In 2008, in France, 156 women and 27 men were killed by their intimate partner.[160]

The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (1993) states that "violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, which has led to domination over and discrimination against women by men and to the prevention of the full advancement of women, and that violence against women is one of the crucial social mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared with men".[161][162]

In their study of severely violent couples, Neil Jacobson and John Gottman conclude that the frequency of violent acts is not as crucial as the impact of the violence and its function, when trying to understand spousal abuse; specifically, they state that the purpose of domestic violence is typically to control and intimidate, rather than just to injure.[163]

In 2007, Murray Straus explored some of these problems, and he outlined several processes by which the data have been distorted by researchers. These processes include direct suppression of evidence, manipulating survey research questions to avoid unwanted data, selective and biased citations, misinterpreting or overinterpreting data to acquire the desired conclusion, manufacturing the appearance of evidence through repeated citation (the "woozle effect"), obstructing the publication or funding of potentially contradictory research, and finally, harassment, threats, and penalties against researchers who produce contrary evidence.[164] Nicola Graham-Kevan, whose research was the spark for Straus' commentary, concurred with Straus' conclusions and noted that another tool used to suppress evidence is the manipulation of numerical and statistical data to distort the public presentation of domestic violence research.[165]

In 2009 Straus explored the reasons for the public misperception and the academic denial and suppression of evidence for gender symmetry in domestic violence research. He listed several possible factors, including assumptions based on the fact that males perpetrate more crimes in general, cultural stereotypes about male and female behavior, the belief that recognizing gender symmetry in domestic violence could undermine the protection of women, and several others.[166]

Violence against men[edit]

Main article: Domestic violence against men

This section may benefit from being shortened by the use of summary style.

Summary style may involve the moving of large sections to sub-articles that are then summarized in the main article.

Determining how many instances of domestic violence actually involve male victims is difficult. Male domestic violence victims may be reluctant to get help for various reasons.[167] Some studies have shown that women who assaulted their male partners were more likely to avoid arrest even when the male victim contacts police.[168] Another study examined the differences in how male and female batterers were treated by the criminal justice system. The study concluded that female intimate violence perpetrators are frequently viewed by law enforcement and the criminal justice system as victims rather than the actual offenders of violence against men.[169] Other studies have also demonstrated a high degree of acceptance of aggression against men by women.

Studies have shown many police officers do not treat domestic violence against men as a serious crime, and often will view the male victim as a "pathetic figure". It is for this reason, and also the fact that men are most often physically stronger than women, that male victims are often less likely to report domestic violence than female victims. When and if they do, men are often treated as the aggressor in the situation, and often even placed under arrest.[170]

A 32-nation study by Straus (2008) of university students "revealed an overwhelming body of evidence that bidirectional violence is the predominant pattern of perpetration; and this study, along with evidence from many other studies (Medeiros & Straus, 2007), indicates that the etiology of PV is mostly parallel for men and women."[171] A study by Whitaker et al. (2007) concluded that female perpetrated intimate partner violence is more common than male among adolescents.[145]

Some researchers have found a relationship between the availability of domestic violence services, improved laws and enforcement regarding domestic violence, increased access to divorce, and higher earnings for women with declines in intimate partner homicide by women.[172]

Findings that women are as violent as men have been termed "gender symmetry".[167][173][174][175][176][177]

Straus and Gelles (1995) found that in couples reporting spousal violence, 27% of the time the man struck the first blow; in 24% of cases, the woman initiated the violence. The rest of the time, the violence was mutual, with both partners brawling. The results were the same even when the most severe episodes of violence were analyzed. In order to counteract claims that the reporting data was skewed, female-only surveys were conducted, asking females to self-report, and the data was the same.[178] The simple tally of physical acts is typically found to be similar in those studies that examine both directions, but some studies show that male violence may be more serious. Male violence may do more damage than female violence;[179] women are more likely to be injured and/or hospitalized. Wives are more likely to be killed by their husbands than the reverse (59% to 41% per Department of Justice study), and women in general are more likely to be killed by their spouses than by all other types of assailants combined.[180] From a data set of 6,200 cases of spousal abuse in the Detroit area of USA in 1978-79 found that men used weapons 25% of the time while female assailants used weapons 86% of the time, 74% of men sustained injury and of these 84% required medical care.[181]

In the United Kingdom, an article in The Guardian reported that statistical bulletins from the Home Office and the British Crime Survey found that men made up approximately 40% of domestic violence victims each year between 2004–05 and 2008-09.[182]

Martin S. Fiebert of the Department of Psychology at California State University, Long Beach, has compiled an annotated bibliography of research relating to intimate partner violence by women on men. This bibliography examines 275 scholarly investigations: 214 empirical studies and 61 reviews and/or analyses that appear to demonstrate that women are as physically aggressive, or more aggressive, than men in their relationships with their spouses or male partners. The aggregate sample size in the reviewed studies exceeds 365,000.[183] In a Los Angeles Times article about male victims of domestic violence, Fiebert suggests that "consensus in the field is that women are as likely as men to strike their partner but that—as expected—women are more likely to be injured than men".[152] However, he noted, men are seriously injured in 38% of the cases in which "extreme aggression" is used. Fiebert additionally noted that his work was not meant to minimize the serious effects of men who abuse women.

In a 2002 review of the research however Michael Kimmel found that violence is instrumental in maintaining control and that more than 90% of "systematic, persistent, and injurious" violence is perpetrated by men. He points out that most of the empirical studies that Fiebert reviewed used the same empirical measure of family conflict, i.e., the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) as the sole measure of domestic violence and that many of the studies noted by Fiebert discussed samples composed entirely of single people younger than 30, not married couples.[184] Kimmel argues that among various other flaws, the CTS is particularly vulnerable to reporting bias because it depends on asking people to accurately remember and report what happened during the past year. Men tend to underestimate their use of violence, while women tend to overestimate their use of violence. Simultaneously men tend to overestimate their partner's use of violence while women tend to underestimate their partner's use of violence. Thus, men will likely overestimate their victimization, while women tend to underestimate theirs.[185]

Similarly, the National Institute of Justice states that some studies finding equal or greater frequency of abuse by women against men are based on data compiled through the Conflict Tactics Scale. This survey tool was developed in the 1970s and may not be appropriate for intimate partner violence research because it does not measure control, coercion, or the motives for conflict tactics; it also leaves out sexual assault and violence by ex-spouses or partners and does not determine who initiated the violence. Furthermore, the NIJ contends that national surveys supported by NIJ, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the Bureau of Justice Statistics that examine more serious assaults do not support the conclusion of similar rates of male and female spousal assaults. These surveys are conducted within a safety or crime context and clearly find more partner abuse by men against women.[186]

In a Meta-analysis, John Archer, Ph. D., from the Department of Psychology, University of Central Lancashire, UK, writes:

The present analyses indicate that men are among those who are likely to be on the receiving end of acts of physical aggression.[167] The extent to which this involves mutual combat or the male equivalent to "battered women" is at present unresolved. Both situations are causes for concern. Straus (1997) has warned of the dangers involved—especially for women—when physical aggression becomes a routine response to relationship conflict. "Battered men"—those subjected to systematic and prolonged violence—are likely to suffer physical and psychological consequences, together with specific problems associated with a lack of recognition of their plight (George and George, 1998). Seeking to address these problems need not detract from continuing to address the problem of "battered women."[187]

Gender roles and expectations can and do play a role in abusive situations, and exploring these roles and expectations can be helpful in addressing abusive situations. Likewise, it can be helpful to explore factors such as race, class, religion, sexuality and philosophy. However, studies investigating whether sexist attitudes are correlated with domestic violence have shown conflicting results.[188][189]

A 1997 report says significantly more men than women do not disclose the identity of their attacker.[190] A 2009 study showed that there was greater acceptance for abuse perpetrated by females than by males.[191] Several studies have confirmed that women’s physical violence towards intimate male partners is sometimes in self-defense.[192][193][194][195] In a recent study of the judicial attributions of sentences for battered women convicted of killing their male partners, researchers found that judges often minimized previous partner violence, describing discrete episodes of violence, rather than as ongoing patterns of serious domestic abuse.[196]

In Norway, researcher Anja Bredal's opinion is that non-Norwegian men are being assaulted by their wives who are of the same ethnicity—who are Norwegian citizens.[197]

Erin Pizzey who opened one of the first women’s refuges in 1971, has said that almost as many men as women are victims of domestic violence and found that over half (62%)[198] of the women she admitted were as violent as their partners. She also stated that men were in need of a different kind of help than is currently available to them.

Same-sex relationships[edit]

Domestic violence also occurs in same-sex relationships. Gay and lesbian relationships have been identified as a risk factor for abuse in certain populations.[2] In an effort to be more inclusive, many organizations have made an effort to use gender-neutral terms when referring to perpetratorship and victimhood.

Historically, domestic violence has been seen as a heterosexual family issue and little interest has been directed at violence in same-sex relationships.[199] It has not been until recently, as the gay rights movement has brought the issues of gay and lesbian people into public attention, when research has been conducted on same-sex relationships. A 1999 analysis of nineteen studies of partner abuse concluded that "[r]esearch suggests that lesbians and gay men are just as likely to abuse their partners as heterosexual men,"[200] although the study also noted the uncertain nature of much of the contemporary research in the area.

People in homosexual relationships, however, face special obstacles in dealing with the issues that some researchers have labeled "the double closet". A recent Canadian study by Mark W. Lehman[201] suggests similarities include frequency (approximately one in every four couples); manifestations (emotional, physical, financial, etc.); co-existent situations (unemployment, substance abuse, low self-esteem); victims' reactions (fear, feelings of helplessness, hypervigilance); and reasons for staying (love, can work it out, things will change, denial). At the same time, significant differences, unique issues and deceptive myths are typically present.[201]

Lehman points to added discrimination and fear gay and lesbian people can face. This includes potential dismissal by police and some social services, a lack of support from peers who would rather keep quiet about the problem in order not to attract negative attention toward the gay community, the impacts of HIV status or AIDS in keeping partners together, due to health care insurance/access, or guilt; outing used as a weapon, and encountering supportive services that are targeted and/or structured for the needs of heterosexual women and which may not meet the needs of gay men or lesbians. However Lehman himself noted that "due to the limited number of returned responses and non-random sampling methodology the findings of this work are not generalizable beyond the sample" of 32 initial respondents and final 10 who completed the more in-depth survey.[201]

Cycle of abuse[edit]

Main article: Cycle of abuse

Frequently, domestic violence is used to describe specific violent and overtly abusive incidents, and legal definitions will tend to take this perspective. However, when violent and abusive behaviours happen within a relationship, the effects of those behaviours continue after these overt incidents are over. Advocates and counsellors will refer to domestic violence as a pattern of behaviours, including those listed above.

Lenore Walker presented the model of a Cycle of abuse which consists of three basic phases:

Tension Building Phase

Characterized by poor communication, tension, fear of causing outbursts. During this stage the victims try to calm the abuser down, to avoid any major violent confrontations.

Violent Episode

Characterized by outbursts of violent, abusive incidents. During this stage the abuser attempts to dominate his/her partner(victim), with the use of domestic violence.

Honeymoon Phase

Characterized by affection, apology, and apparent end of violence. During this stage the abuser feels overwhelming feelings of remorse and sadness. Some abusers walk away from the situation, while others shower their victims with love and affection.

Although it is easy to see the outbursts of the Violent Episode Phase as abuse, even the more pleasant behaviours of the Honeymoon Phase serve to perpetuate the abuse.

Many domestic violence advocates believe that the cycle of abuse theory is limited and does not reflect the realities of many men and women experiencing domestic violence.

Management[edit]

Main article: Management of domestic violence

The management of domestic violence differs between societies, and has a very important role in ensuring the well being of the victims and preventing their re-victimization.

The response to domestic violence in Western countries is typically a combined effort between law enforcement, social services, and health care. The role of each has evolved as domestic violence has been brought more into public view.

Domestic violence historically has been viewed as a private family matter that need not involve the government or criminal justice.[202] Police officers were often reluctant to intervene by making an arrest, and often chose instead to simply counsel the couple and/or ask one of the parties to leave the residence for a period of time. The courts were reluctant to impose any significant sanctions on those convicted of domestic violence, largely because it was viewed as a misdemeanor offense.[citation needed]

The modern view in industrialized countries is that domestic violence should be viewed as a public matter and all criminal authority should be involved; that once the violence is reported it should be taken seriously.

Medical response[edit]

Medical professionals can make a difference in the lives of those who experience abuse. Many cases of spousal abuse are handled solely by physicians and do not involve the police. Sometimes cases of domestic violence are brought into the emergency room,[203] while many other cases are handled by a family physician or other primary care provider.[204] Subspecialist physicians are also increasingly playing an important role. For example, HIV physicians are ideally suited to play an important role in managing abuse given the association between abuse and HIV infection as well as their often lifelong relationships with patients.[2]

Duluth model[edit]

See also: Duluth model

The Duluth Model or Domestic Abuse Intervention Project is a program developed to reduce domestic violence against women.[205] The Duluth model was developed by Minnesota Program Development, Inc., a nonprofit agency in Duluth, Minnesota. The program was largely founded by social activist Ellen Pence. The Duluth Model is featured in the documentary Power and Control: Domestic Violence in America.[206]

The Domestic Abuse Intervention Project was the first multi-disciplinary program designed to address the issue of domestic violence. This experimental program, conducted in Duluth, Minnesota in 1981, coordinated the actions of a variety of agencies dealing with domestic conflict. The program has become a model for programs in other jurisdictions seeking to deal more effectively with domestic violence.[207]

According to the Duluth Model, "women and children are vulnerable to violence because of their unequal social, economic, and political status in society".[208]

The Duluth Model is based on a "violence is patriarchal" model. The model focuses solely on the men's use of violence in abusive relationships, rather than on the behavior of all parties concerned. This helps the men to focus on changing their personal behavior in order to be nonviolent in any relationship.

Law enforcement response[edit]

Law enforcement response to intimate partner violence violence has varied over time and across jurisdictions. Until the 1980s, U.S. law enforcement policies and practices emphasized not using arrest, prosecution or other legal sanctions. In most U.S. jurisdictions, law enforcement officers were not even authorized to make arrests for any misdemeanor assault, unless it occurred in their presence. In addition, it was widely believed that domestic disturbance calls were the most dangerous type of call for responding officers. This belief was based on FBI statistics which turned out to be flawed, in that they grouped all types of disturbances together with domestic disturbances, such as brawls at a bar.[209][210] This false belief led to development of programs that trained police officers to first separate intimate partners and to counsel them. The objective of this program was to reduce assaults against and injuries to law enforcement officers.

Based on legal suits, social research and changing attitudes about the role of women and the social acceptable of the use of violence, law enforcement policies and practices in the U.S. have changed toward encouraging and, in some cases, mandating the use of legal sanctions for intimate partner violence. Many U.S. states have adopted legislation mandating the use of arrest for at least some types of intimate partner violence. In addition, the Federal Violence Against Women Act, first adopted in 1994, promotes the use of arrest and prosecution of intimate partner violence by state and local agencies.

Counseling for person affected[edit]

Due to the extent and prevalence of violence in relationships, counselors and therapists should assess every client for domestic violence (both experienced and perpetrated). If the clinician is seeing a couple for couple’s counseling, this assessment should be conducted with each individual privately during the initial interview, in order to increase the victim’s sense of safety in disclosing DV in the relationship.[211] In addition to determining whether DV is present, counselors and therapists should also make the distinction between situations where battering may have been a single, isolated incident or an ongoing pattern of control. The therapist must, however, consider that domestic violence may be present even when there has been only a single physical incident as emotional/verbal, economic, and sexual abuse may be more insidious.[211]

Lethality assessment[edit]

A lethality assessment is a tool that can assist in determining the best course of treatment for a client, as well as helping the client to recognize dangerous behaviors and more subtle abuse in their relationship.[212] In a study of victims of attempted domestic violence-related homicide, only about one-half of the participants recognized that their perpetrator was capable of killing them, as many domestic violence victims minimize the true seriousness of their situation.[213] Thus, lethality assessment is an essential first step in assessing the severity of a victim’s situation.

Safety planning[edit]

Safety planning allows the victim to plan for dangerous situations they may encounter, and is effective regardless of their decision on whether remain with their perpetrator. Safety planning usually begins with determining a course of action if another acute incident occurs in the home. The victim should be given strategies for their own safety, such as avoiding confrontations in rooms where there is only one exit and avoiding certain rooms that contain many potential weapons (such as kitchens, bathrooms, etc.).[48]

Counseling for offenders[edit]

The main goal for treatment for offenders of domestic violence is to minimize the offender’s risk of future domestic violence, whether within the same relationship or a new one. Treatment for offenders should emphasize minimizing risk to the victim, and should be modified depending on the offender’s history, risk of reoffending, and criminogenic needs.[214] The majority of offender treatment programs are 24–36 weeks in length and are conducted in a group setting with groups not exceeding 12 participants.[215]

Prevention and intervention[edit]

File:Get Away by Latasha Lee (lyrics onscreen).ogg

education sample

There are many community organizations which work to prevent domestic violence by offering safe shelter, crisis intervention, advocacy, and education and prevention programs. Community screening for domestic violence can be more systematic in cases of animal abuse, healthcare settings, emergency departments, behavioral health settings and court systems. Tools are being developed to facilitate domestic violence screening such as mobile apps.[216][217]

Pregnancy[edit]

Main article: Domestic violence and pregnancy

Pregnancy, when coupled with domestic violence, may amplify health risks. Abuse during pregnancy, whether physical, verbal or emotional, produces adverse effects for both the mother and fetus. Domestic violence during pregnancy is categorized as abusive behavior towards a pregnant woman, where the pattern of abuse can often change in terms of severity and frequency of violence. Abuse may be a long-standing problem in a relationship that continues after a woman becomes pregnant or it may commence during pregnancy.[218] Although female-to-male partner violence occurs in these settings, the overwhelming form of domestic violence is perpetrated by men against women.[219]

Domestic abuse can be triggered by pregnancy for various reasons. Pregnancy itself can be used a form of coercion and the phenomenon of preventing an intimate partner’s reproductive choice is referred to as birth control sabotage, or reproductive coercion. Studies on the birth control sabotage performed by males against female partners have indicated a strong correlation between domestic violence and birth control sabotage.[220] Pregnancy can also lead to a hiatus of domestic violence when the abuser does not want to harm the unborn child. The risk of domestic violence for pregnant women is greatest immediately after childbirth.[221]

In 2010, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that 4.8% of women reported having had an intimate partner who tried to get them pregnant against their wishes, while 8.7% of men reported having had an intimate partner who tried to get pregnant against their wishes or tried to stop them from using birth control.[222]

Prognosis[edit]

New research illustrates that there are strong associations between exposure to domestic violence and abuse in all their forms and higher rates of many chronic conditions. The strongest evidence comes from the Adverse Childhood Experiences' series of studies which show correlations between exposure to abuse or neglect and higher rates in adulthood of chronic conditions, high risk health behaviors and shortened life span.[223] Evidence of the association between physical health and violence against women has been accumulating since the early 1990s.[224]

Studies have indicated that it is important to consider the effect of domestic violence and its psychophysiologic sequelae on women who are mothers of infants and young children. Several studies have shown that maternal interpersonal violence-related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can, despite traumatized mother's best efforts, interfere with their child's response to the domestic violence and other traumatic events.[225][226] Thus, practitioners and service agencies addressing the needs of domestic violence victims should assess the victim-as-parent and evaluate the safety and well-being of children in the home.

More recently work by such researchers as Corso[227] have begun to quantify the economic impact of exposure to violence and abuse. A recent publication, Hidden Costs in Health Care: The Economic Impact of Violence and Abuse, [228] makes the case that such exposure represents a serious and costly public health issue that should be addressed by the health care system.

Situation in the United States[edit]

Main articles: Domestic violence in the United States and Violence Against Women Act

Approximately 1.3 million women and 835,000 men are physically assaulted by an intimate partner annually in the United States.[229] In the United States, domestic violence is the leading cause of injury to women between the ages of 15 and 44.[230] The ten states with the highest rate of females murdered by males were, as of 2009, Nevada, Alabama, Louisiana, Arizona, Tennessee, Georgia, South Carolina, South Dakota, Hawaii and Missouri. For homicides in which the victim to offender relationship could be identified, 93% of female victims were murdered by a male they knew, 63% of them in the context of an intimate relationship.[231]

Several studies in the US have found that domestic violence is significantly more common in the families of police officers than in other families, which is very problematic, since police officers must play a key role in responding to incidents of DV.[232][233][234]

Other countries[edit]

In Iraq husbands have a legal right to "punish" their wives. The criminal code states at Paragraph 41 that there is no crime if an act is committed while exercising a legal right; examples of legal rights include: "The punishment of a wife by her husband, the disciplining by parents and teachers of children under their authority within certain limits prescribed by law or by custom".[235]

In Jordan, part of article 340 of the Penal Code states that "he who discovers his wife or one of his female relatives committing adultery and kills, wounds, or injures one of them, is exempted from any penalty."[236] This has twice been put forward for cancellation by the government, but was retained by the Lower House of the Parliament, in 2003: a year in which at least seven honor killings took place.[237] Article 98 of the Penal Code is often cited alongside Article 340 in cases of honor killings. "Article 98 stipulates that a reduced sentence is applied to a person who kills another person in a 'fit of fury'".[238]

In Russia, according to Russian interior ministry estimates, there are 600,000 women victims of domestic abuse every year and 14,000 die from injuries inflicted by husbands or partners each year. Domestic violence is not a specific criminal offense, but it can be charged under various crimes of the criminal code (e.g. assault), but in practice cases of domestic violence turn into criminal cases only when they involve severe injuries, or the victim has died.[239] For more details see Domestic violence in Russia.

A UN report compiled from a number of different studies conducted in at least 71 countries found domestic violence against women to be most prevalent in Ethiopia.[240]

A study on Bedouin women in Israel found that most have experienced DV, most accepted it as a decree from God, and most believed they were to blame themselves for the violence. The study also showed that the majority of women were not aware of existing laws and policies which protect them: 60% said they did not know what a restraining order was.[241]

In the European Union, DV is a serious problem in the Baltic States. These three countries - Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania - have also lagged behind most post-communist countries in their response to DV.[242] The problem in these countries is very severe, and in 2013 a DV victim won a European Court of Human Rights case against Lithuania.[243][244]

Epidemiology[edit]

Main article: Epidemiology of domestic violence

Domestic violence occurs across the world, in various cultures,[245] and affects people of all economic statuses.[17] According to one study, the percentage of women who have reported being physically abused by an intimate partner vary from 69% to 10% depending on the country.[246]

North America[edit]

In the United States, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics in 1995 women reported a six times greater rate of intimate partner violence than men.[247][248] The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) indicates that in 1998 about 876,340 violent crimes were committed in the U.S. against women by their current or former spouses, or boyfriends.[249] According to the Centers for Disease Control, in the United States 4.8 million women suffer intimate partner related physical assaults and rapes and 2.9 million men are victims of physical assault from their partners.[250]

Studies have found that men are much less likely to report victimization in these situations.[251] According to some studies, less than 1% of domestic violence cases are reported to the police.[252][253] In the United States 10–35% of the population will be physically aggressive towards a partner at some point in their lives.[254][255][256] As abuse becomes more severe women become increasingly overrepresented as victims.[254]

In Canada, the Assembly of First Nations evaluation of the Canada Prenatal Nutrition Program conducted by CIET offers an inclusive and relatively unbiased national estimate. It documented domestic violence in a random sample of 85 First Nations across Canada: 22% (523/2359) of mothers reported suffering abuse in the year prior to being interviewed; of these, 59% reported physical abuse.[257]

Results of studies which estimate the prevalence of domestic violence vary significantly, depending on specific wording of survey questions, how the survey is conducted, the definition of abuse or domestic violence used, the willingness or unwillingness of victims to admit that they have been abused and other factors. For instance, Straus (2005) conducted a study which estimated that the rate of minor assaults by women in the United States was 78 per 1,000 couples, compared with a rate for men of 72 per 1,000 and the severe assault rate was 46 per 1,000 couples for assaults by women and 50 per 1,000 for assaults by men. Neither difference is statistically significant. He claimed that since these rates were based exclusively on information provided by women respondents, the near-equality in assault rates could not be attributed to a gender bias in reporting.[258]

One analysis found that "women are as physically aggressive or more aggressive than men in their relationships with their spouses or male partners".[247] However, studies have shown that women are more likely to be injured. Archer's meta-analysis[173] found that women in the United States suffer 65% of domestic violence injuries. A Canadian study showed that 7% of women and 6% of men were abused by their current or former partners, but female victims of spousal violence were more than twice as likely to be injured as male victims, three times more likely to fear for their life, twice as likely to be stalked, and twice as likely to experience more than ten incidents of violence.[259] However, Straus notes that Canadian studies on domestic violence have simply excluded questions that ask men about being victimized by their wives.[258]

Some studies show that lesbian relationships have similar levels of violence as heterosexual relationships.[260]

Asia[edit]

Fighting the prevalence of domestic violence in Kashmir has brought Hindu and Muslim activists together.[261] Additionally, aspects of Islamic law have been criticized for promoting domestic violence[262]

One study found that half of Palestinian women have been the victims of domestic violence.[263]

The Human Rights Watch found that up to 90% of women in Pakistan were subject to some form of maltreatment within their own homes.[264] Honor killings in Pakistan are a very serious problem, especially in northern Pakistan.[265][266] In Pakistan, honour killings are known locally as karo-kari. Karo-kari is a compound word literally meaning "black male" (Karo) and "black female (Kari).

Domestic violence in India is widespread, and is often related to the custom of dowry.[267] Although not as common as in other parts of Asia, honor killings do occur in some regions of India, particularly in northern regions of the country. Honor killings have been reported in the states of Punjab, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, and Bihar, as a result of people marrying without their family's acceptance, and sometimes for marrying outside their caste or religion.[268][269]

In Turkey 42% of women over 15 have suffered physical or sexual violence.[270]

Africa[edit]

Up to two-thirds of women in certain communities in Nigeria's Lagos State say they are victims to domestic violence.[271]

80% of women surveyed in rural Egypt said that beatings were common and often justified, particularly if the woman refused to have sex with her husband.[272]

Oceania[edit]

Statistics published in 2004, show that the rate of domestic violence victimisation for Indigenous women in Australia may be 40 times the rate for non-Indigenous women.[273]

History[edit]

An illustration from JJ Grandville's Cent Proverbes (1845) captioned "Qui aime bien châtie bien" (Who loves well, punishes well).

Prior to the mid-1800s, most legal systems accepted wife beating as a valid exercise of a husband's authority over his wife.[274][275] One exception, however, was the 1641 Body of Liberties of the Massachusetts Bay colonists, which declared that a married woman should be "free from bodilie correction or stripes by her husband."[276]

Political agitation during the nineteenth century led to changes in both popular opinion and legislation regarding domestic violence within the United Kingdom and the United States.[274][277] In 1850, Tennessee became the first state in the United States to explicitly outlaw wife beating.[278][279] Other states soon followed suit.[275][280] In 1878, the Matrimonial Causes Act made it possible for women in the UK to seek separations from abusive husbands.[281] By the end of the 1870s, most courts in the United States were uniformly opposed to the right of husbands to physically discipline their wives.[282] By the early twentieth century, it was common for police to intervene in cases of domestic violence in the United States, but arrests remained rare.[283]

Modern attention to domestic violence began in the women's movement of the 1970s, particularly within the contexts of feminism and women's rights, as concern about wives being beaten by their husbands gained attention. The first known use of the expression "domestic violence" in a modern context, meaning "spouse abuse, violence in the home" was in an address to the Parliament of the United Kingdom in 1973. A few months later the world's first domestic violence services federation (Women's Aid) was set up in 1974, providing practical and emotional support as part of a range of services to women and children experiencing violence in England.[284][285] With the rise of the men's movement of the 1990s, the problem of domestic violence against men also gained significant attention.

Until quite recently, children had very few rights in regard to protection from violence by their parents, and still continue to do so in many parts of the world. Historically, fathers had virtually unlimited rights in regard to their children and how they chose to discipline them. In many cultures, such as in Ancient Rome, a father could legally kill his children; many cultures have also allowed fathers to sell their children into slavery. Child sacrifice was also a common practice.[286] Today, corporal punishment of children by their parents remains legal in most countries, but in Western countries that still allow the practice there are strict limits on what is permitted. The first country to outlaw parental corporal punishment was Sweden (parents' right to spank their own children was first removed in 1966,[287] and it was explicitly prohibited by law from July.

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